{"id":4791,"date":"2022-05-02T14:45:18","date_gmt":"2022-05-02T18:45:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/fosfeminista.org\/news-and-stories\/latin-america-dreams-the-impossible\/"},"modified":"2025-09-19T18:07:54","modified_gmt":"2025-09-19T22:07:54","slug":"latin-america-dreams-the-impossible","status":"publish","type":"article","link":"https:\/\/fosfeminista.org\/pt\/news-and-stories\/latin-america-dreams-the-impossible\/","title":{"rendered":"Direito ao aborto: A Am\u00e9rica Latina sonha com o imposs\u00edvel"},"template":"","class_list":["post-4791","article","type-article","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","article_type-news","article_format-news","issue_tax-legal-abortion","issue_legacy-abortion","location-latin-america"],"acf":{"details":{"":null,"article_type":26,"article_format":171,"authors":"","add_button":false,"button_type":"link","button":"","download":"","download_button_text":"","featured_image":3648},"sidebar":{"issues":{"title":"Quest\u00f5es priorit\u00e1rias","issues":[34]},"locations":{"title":"Localiza\u00e7\u00e3o","locations":[161]},"partners":{"title":"Parceiros","partners":""}},"page_layout":[{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_hero_article","_acfe_flexible_toggle":null,"component_hero_article":{"":null,"anchor_id":""}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":null,"component_wysiwyg":{"content":"A diretora executiva do F\u00f2s Feminista, Giselle Carino, fez os seguintes coment\u00e1rios durante um f\u00f3rum organizado pelo Center for Reproductive Rights em janeiro de 2022. <\/em>\n\nBom dia e boa tarde a todos. \u00c9 um prazer participar desta conversa hoje. Agrade\u00e7o a Rebecca Brown pelo convite e tamb\u00e9m aos colegas Nancy, Dr. T e \u00e0 professora Michele por este di\u00e1logo t\u00e3o importante. Como CEO da F\u00f2s Feminista, falo aqui hoje a partir da experi\u00eancia compartilhada com outros ativistas de sa\u00fade sexual e reprodutiva, direitos e justi\u00e7a da Am\u00e9rica Latina, do Caribe e do Sul Global.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n\nAcompanhamos as not\u00edcias sobre os retrocessos e riscos \u00e0s prote\u00e7\u00f5es constitucionais do direito ao aborto nos Estados Unidos n\u00e3o apenas com preocupa\u00e7\u00e3o pelo impacto global da perda de um precedente jur\u00eddico hist\u00f3rico, mas tamb\u00e9m com grande solidariedade, especialmente \u00e0s mulheres e meninas que s\u00e3o mais afetadas no acesso \u00e0s necessidades b\u00e1sicas de sa\u00fade sexual e reprodutiva, especialmente as negras, jovens ou pobres. Nossa solidariedade vem da experi\u00eancia concreta de conectar nossas opress\u00f5es.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n\nThe historical moment we are living in is framed by contagion, not only in pandemics: the advance of anti-rights and anti-gender agenda in the United States not only influences the advance of authoritarianism in the Global South, but feeds back into it. This global scenario of growing anti-gender politics, which is sophisticated in its use of the language of rights and the supposed protection of women, families, and children, is part of what has made it possible to get to this point in the threat to Roe v. Wade. While the Trump Administration was consolidating an anti-rights Supreme Court, Bolsonaro's Brazil was also signing on to anti-gender foreign policy, and the offensive in Poland that reinstated a near-total ban on abortion was advancing.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n\nIt is possible to tell the story of this moment of attacks on abortion rights in the United States as a domestic dispute between Republicans and Democrats for more than half a century, and one that will impact the whole world because of the geopolitical position of the United States. But that domestic, power-based view of this country is, while true, incomplete. Feminist solidarity is more than a value for transformation from the local to the global; it is a new way of understanding that transformations and resistances are interconnected by the system of permanent contagion. If, on the one hand, we have against us what is called \"gender ideology\", as an example of the fanatism of our time on a global scale, on the other hand, we have in our favor the growing feminist movements with different compositions and with the vigor of the new generations, as seen in Argentina or Chile. It is only with a strong civil society from feminism that we are prepared to respond and resist the attacks that, unlike in the past, are much more globally interconnected.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n\nPortanto, meu objetivo hoje \u00e9 defender a import\u00e2ncia da articula\u00e7\u00e3o com o Sul Global neste momento de luta pelo direito ao aborto nos Estados Unidos. E aqui \u00e9 importante ressaltar que, em tempos t\u00e3o dif\u00edceis de autoritarismo antig\u00eanero, COVID-19 e desigualdades crescentes, na Am\u00e9rica Latina, temos conseguido vit\u00f3rias hist\u00f3ricas na luta pelo direito ao aborto. Portanto, acredito que o cont\u00e1gio feminista tamb\u00e9m \u00e9 poss\u00edvel, e \u00e9 nossa miss\u00e3o.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n\nNo F\u00f2s Feminista, entendemos que este \u00e9 um momento para fortalecer alian\u00e7as, pensar juntos e fortalecer caminhos de solidariedade. \u00c9 por isso que hoje compartilho algumas li\u00e7\u00f5es aprendidas sobre a luta pelo direito ao aborto em duas \u00e1reas:\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n
    \n \t
  1. We know how much the internal politics of this country impacts the Global South. We know it with the effects of the Global Gag Rule. I don't think I need to prove to this audience how much the domestic politics of this country is also global politics.<\/span><\/li>\n \t
  2. Ao contr\u00e1rio do que acontecia no passado, quando o cont\u00e1gio de ideias ia de norte a sul, a nova ordem de conex\u00e3o moral \u00e9 multidirecional. Ela vai do Sul para o Sul, do Sul para o Norte - ou seja, em v\u00e1rias dire\u00e7\u00f5es. Por que isso \u00e9 importante? Porque aqui reside a esperan\u00e7a feminista de transforma\u00e7\u00e3o: na perman\u00eancia dos movimentos feministas em todos os lugares e na interconectividade entre eles.<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\nTodos n\u00f3s sabemos o que \u00e9 a Global Gag Rule. Desde a d\u00e9cada de 1980, sempre que um presidente republicano assume o cargo nos Estados Unidos, \u00e9 restabelecida a proibi\u00e7\u00e3o de que o planejamento familiar internacional e a assist\u00eancia \u00e0 sa\u00fade reprodutiva dos EUA sejam concedidos a organiza\u00e7\u00f5es estrangeiras envolvidas de alguma forma com o aborto, mesmo que o fa\u00e7am com fundos n\u00e3o americanos e mesmo que a lei dos EUA permita isso.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n\nThe Trump Administration's version of the Global Gag Rule went further in its anti-gender authoritarianism because it extended restrictions on maternal and child health care, nutrition, HIV\/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria, infectious diseases, and water, sanitation, and hygiene programs, creating disruptions with long-term impacts on affected national health systems.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n\nIt has been a year since the Biden Administration repealed the latest version of the policy, but there has not yet been a permanent repeal, and its harms are structural, creating the opposite of the desired effect of \"reducing abortions\". The defunding of organizations and networks providing sexual and reproductive health services, including access to contraceptives and sexual information and education leads to an increase in unwanted pregnancies and thus abortions, which in turn become more unsafe. Professor Yana Rodgers' research using data from 2001 to 2008 showed that women in Latin America were three times more likely to have an abortion while the Global Gag Rule was in effect.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n\nComo conseguimos resistir \u00e0 Global Gag Rule, documentar e denunciar seus impactos e a naturaliza\u00e7\u00e3o do uso dos corpos e das vidas de mulheres e meninas do Sul Global como campos de batalha imperialistas? Esse \u00e9 o trabalho incans\u00e1vel da sociedade civil e dos movimentos feministas.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n\nN\u00e3o h\u00e1 resist\u00eancia ou avan\u00e7o poss\u00edvel na defesa global da sa\u00fade sexual e reprodutiva, dos direitos e da justi\u00e7a sem a resili\u00eancia criativa dos movimentos feministas, que, portanto, precisam ser continuamente apoiados e financiados. Esse \u00e9 um trabalho trabalhoso e cont\u00ednuo, sem express\u00e3o imediata em termos de m\u00e9tricas de sucesso, ou seja, sem mudan\u00e7as imediatas para os doadores do Norte. As recentes experi\u00eancias de progresso na legaliza\u00e7\u00e3o do aborto na Am\u00e9rica Latina e no Caribe, consideradas surpreendentes por muitos, s\u00e3o prova disso.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n\nA Onda Verde \u201cinfectou\u201d a regi\u00e3o. Nos \u00faltimos dois anos, testemunhamos avan\u00e7os importantes em um momento pol\u00edtico que parece ser um dos mais desfavor\u00e1veis, durante a pandemia de Covid-19, mas essas mudan\u00e7as n\u00e3o aconteceram da noite para o dia. Elas s\u00e3o o resultado de uma resist\u00eancia feminista local e cont\u00ednua. Podemos pensar em breves exemplos na Argentina, no M\u00e9xico e na Col\u00f4mbia:\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n
      \n \t
    • No final de 2020, o Congresso da Argentina aprovou a legaliza\u00e7\u00e3o do aborto at\u00e9 a 12\u00aa semana de gesta\u00e7\u00e3o. Essa vit\u00f3ria em um pa\u00eds cat\u00f3lico com uma economia enfraquecida veio da capacidade dos movimentos sociais, trabalhando em articula\u00e7\u00e3o por quase duas d\u00e9cadas, de gerar uma solidariedade expansiva, de falar n\u00e3o apenas com feminismos, mas tamb\u00e9m com profissionais da sa\u00fade, com grupos religiosos progressistas, com jornalistas e comunicadores que levaram a quest\u00e3o a outros p\u00fablicos e a outras partes do pa\u00eds.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n
        \n \t
      • Em 2021, v\u00e1rios estados mexicanos fizeram o mesmo que a Argentina e, em setembro, a Suprema Corte mexicana declarou que a criminaliza\u00e7\u00e3o do aborto \u00e9 inconstitucional no pa\u00eds. Em resposta \u00e0s recentes restri\u00e7\u00f5es ao aborto impostas no Texas, ativistas mexicanos j\u00e1 est\u00e3o avan\u00e7ando em estrat\u00e9gias de solidariedade na fronteira entre os EUA e o M\u00e9xico para garantir o acesso de mulheres e meninas americanas ao aborto medicamentoso com acompanhamento feminista. Esse \u00e9 um exemplo do poder da interconectividade feminista. A Am\u00e9rica Latina e o Caribe continuam sendo a regi\u00e3o com algumas das leis de aborto mais restritivas do mundo, mas a descoberta do aborto com misoprostol na regi\u00e3o est\u00e1 aumentando a seguran\u00e7a do aborto e mudando as estrat\u00e9gias de defesa de direitos.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n
          \n \t
        • In 2021, Colombia's Constitutional Court advanced a case that may lead to the elimination of the crime of abortion from the country's penal code. This is a very sophisticated legal path - a scenario in which abortion has nothing to do with crime, police, or criminal justice, but is treated exclusively as a health issue. How did that debate progress? It was not because of the genius of great legal minds, but because of the work of Colombian feminist movements that demonstrated that, although there are far fewer legal restrictions on abortion in the country since a 2006 constitutional decision, that did not translate into more access for the people who need it most. There is another feminist learning here: legal or constitutional protections for abortion rights are part of the struggle, but they do not offer a guarantee of implementation or access; that is a long-term job that requires ongoing involvement of feminist movements.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\nTodos esses avan\u00e7os, que h\u00e1 uma d\u00e9cada talvez fossem impens\u00e1veis, aconteceram gra\u00e7as a anos de mobiliza\u00e7\u00e3o feminista e ao poder de cont\u00e1gio, de interconectividade entre os movimentos.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\n\nComo organiza\u00e7\u00f5es internacionais, movimentos e doadores com poder e responsabilidade, devemos agir de forma solid\u00e1ria, resistindo \u00e0s tentativas de estabelecer uma ordem necess\u00e1ria de transforma\u00e7\u00e3o, como se a mudan\u00e7a pol\u00edtica ocorresse em processos lineares ou seguindo modelos te\u00f3ricos. A for\u00e7a feminista para a transforma\u00e7\u00e3o vem da interconectividade dos movimentos, e \u00e9 nosso dever lutar para garantir-lhes consist\u00eancia no apoio, no financiamento e nas oportunidades de conex\u00e3o e \u201ccont\u00e1gio\u201d.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>","":null,"anchor_id":""}}]},"yoast_head":"\nAbortion rights: Latin America dreams the impossible - F\u00f2s Feminista<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"F\u00f2s Feminista CEO, Giselle Carino, engaged in a dialogue about sexual and reproductive health, rights, and justice in the Global South.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fosfeminista.org\/pt\/news-and-stories\/latin-america-dreams-the-impossible\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"pt_BR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Abortion rights: Latin America dreams the impossible - 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